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CAMBODIAN CONTEXT
Background of the Cambodian People
In her work, Hopkins (1996) acknowledged some confusion regarding the place names, Cambodia and Kampuchea, and the adjective Khmer, Cambodian, and American. In the language of Cambodia, the name of the country was Kampuchea for many centuries until April 1975 (Huffman, 1981). The original ancient Hindu name of the people was Kambuja, meaning children of Kambu (Ebihara, 1964; Hopkins, 1996). From the name Kambuja, the French derived the term "Cambodge" and the English derivation of that was "Cambodia" (Hopkins, 1996). During the Khmer Rouge or the Pol Pot regime, the nation's name was changed to Democratic Kampuchea; in 1979 the Vietnamese changed it to People's Republic of Kampuchea; in 1989 the nation regained its name to Cambodia (Ebihara, Mortland, & Ledgerwood, 1994; Hopkins, 1996).
The word "Khmer" represents both the language of Cambodia and the people who speak it (Mabbett & Chandler, 1995). The term is used by many Cambodians and Americans to refer to all nationals of Cambodia. The majority of Cambodia's population is ethnic Khmer. However, there are many ethnic Vietnamese, Chinese, Cham, and several smaller ethnic minorities referred to as "Phnong" or "savages" (Ebihara, 1966, 1974; Ebihara et al., 1994; Mabbett & Chandler, 1995).
Cambodia has always been an agrarian nation (Ebihara et al., 1994; Mabbett & Chandler, 1995) with limited industrialization. Most Khmer lived in rural agricultural villages as farmers, artisans, and fisherfolk (Ebihara, 1964; Ebihara et al., 1994). Most peasants were small landholders, engaged in the market for exchange of goods through both national and international trade networks (Ebihara, 1964).
Cambodia has been influenced greatly by the teaching of Buddhism (Ebihara, 1966, 1974; Garry, 1980; Hopkins, 1996; Kelly, 1996). Cambodian folk religion includes a mixture of spirits and magical rituals, animism, and naturalism, for instance, the wearing of a protective badge carrying magical forces called Katha. The badges may contain things such as Buddha figurines, boar tusks, good fortune belts, ivory, and the tooth of a parent (Anh, 1984, as cited in Lenart, Clair, & Bell, 1991).
Based on Buddhist teachings, the Cambodian cultural values consist of respect for life in all its forms; generosity and selfless concern for others; warmth and good natured temperament; abhorrence of fighting, drinking, fornication, and other sins; devotion to family; industriousness; religious devotion; honesty; and lack of concern for material wealth (Ebihara, 1966, 1974; Garry, 1980; Kelly, 1996). Other traditional Cambodian values include respect for ancestors and the past, non-confrontation in cases of disagreement, tolerance for ambiguity, and willingness to accept things as the way they are (Kinzie et al., 1984). Cambodians believe in reincarnation and also that current life successes or failures depend on deeds done in a previous life. According to Kinzie et al., to a certain extent, these beliefs reinforce passive acceptance.
Recent Cambodian History
Prior to the colonization by the French in the1860s (Chandler, 1974, 1983; Mabbett & Chandler, 1995), Khmer were the dominant ethnic group both in numbers and in political arena. The Khmer occupied both the top and the lower social classes as aristocrats, government officials, military officers, Buddhist monks, peasants, artisans, skilled, and unskilled laborers. During the French colonial period, Vietnamese were appointed by the French to administer governmental agencies and controlled the country's trade. Similarly, the Chinese, who constituted approximately only 5% of the total population, occupied the business sector as well as white-collar professions (Ebihara, 1974; Willmott, 1967). However, little change was made to life in the villages. Buddhist monks continued to teach boys only, and refused to teach the French Roman alphabet. Village headmen still had the authority to use "corvee" labor, to collect taxes, and to act as the local police. Unlike other Southeast Asian countries, the French did not build roads, schools, hospitals, mining, or industry in Cambodia (Mabbett & Chandler, 1995). After World War II, Cambodia gained formal independence from France and became a constitutional monarchy (Ebihara et al., 1994). Norodom Sihanouk was crowned as King of Cambodia in 1955 but became only a figurehead while the prime minister, the cabinet, and the legislature had political power (Ebihara et al., 1994).
After 12 years of ruling under Sihanouk, Cambodia was threatened by internal and external forces ranging from economic difficulties, corruption, growing alienation between the people and the government, the growth of militant communists and conflicts in neighboring Vietnam (Ebihara et al., 1994). The bombing of Cambodia by U.S. bombers from Vietnam forced Sihanouk to renounce American aid and cut diplomatic relations with the United States. The National Assembly overthrew Sihanouk from power in 1970. Backed by the United States, Marshall Lon Nol took over as the first President and changed the country's name to the Khmer Republic. Soon after, the Vietnam War intensified, and forced the Vietnamese communists much further into Cambodia (Ebihara et al., 1994; Hopkins, 1996; Ouk, Huffman, & Lewis, 1988). The American-supported Lon Nol administration could not combat the Chinese-trained Cambodian communists or Khmer "Rouge," who were supported by Sihanouk. The Khmer Rouge gained control over Cambodia's economy and infrastructure within 5 years. The countryside was devastated through the fighting between the government and the Khmer Rouge. In addition, the U.S. bombing, that was intended to destroy communist enclaves within Cambodia, also destroyed Cambodian civilian lives (Shawcross, 1979).
By April 17, 1975, the Khmer Rouge overcame Lon Nol and took over Phom Penh, declaring themselves as the new government and changed the country's name once more to Democratic Kampuchea. Most of the Khmer Rouge leaders had studied Marxism together in Paris earlier. The group wanted a new society free from the injustice and influence of Western colonialism. The Khmer Rouge revolutionaries precipitated three major changes (Chandler, 1991; Ebihara, 1993; Ebihara et al., 1994). First, the focus of the Democratic Kampuchea was the rebuilding of Cambodia's economy. The idea was to stabilize the economy by making the country self-sufficient by increasing agricultural production. The Khmer Rouge strategy to reach their goal was by removing people from areas and converting the entire population into agricultural laborers. The people would be organized into communes consisting of work units. In theory, they would share land, animals, and equipment in common and equally distribute resources (Ebihara et al., 1994). While it has been implied that only city people suffered under the Khmer Rouge rule because they could not stand the difficult rural life, peasants also suffered (Ebihara, 1993; Frieson, 1990). The peasants were now working in teams rather than with family and village groups. In addition, they were not entitled to the rice after their intensive forced labor to produce it. Before the Democratic Kampuchea, farmers grew food and kept it. Under the regime, the Khmer were forced to eat the little food given to them in an unpleasant communal setting. Many deaths resulted from malnutrition or starvation.
Second, the Khmer family unit was disrupted when the Democratic Kampuchea separated people into work teams. The Khmer Rouge reduced the threat of family ties by using power to control people as individuals. Children were separated from their families and friends to different camps according to their age. The physical removal of children from parents eliminated parents' authority over them. Similarly, spouses were also separated from each other. The nuclear and extended family ability to control, support, and comfort its members no longer existed during the regime.
Third, in addition to destroying the lives of Khmer families, the Khmer Rouge also struck the religious beliefs of Cambodia. Religions such as Theravada Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity were abolished. Under 4 years of Khmer Rouge power, many temples were destroyed, ritual activities were forbidden, and monks were killed or forced to disregard their religion (Ebihara et al., 1994).
According to Hopkins (1996), it is impossible to comprehend the Cambodian refugees' experiences in the United States without understanding their experiences under the Khmer Rouge. In a 1-year ethnographic study of Cambodian refugees in the United States, Hopkins intensively described the Cambodian experiences under the Khmer Rouge. The Khmer Rouge stormed into Phom Penh in the early morning of April 17, 1975 and claimed that the war had ended. The people were celebrating the end of a war because the majority did not care about who was governing. Within hours of the celebrations, the Khmer Rouge began to shoot, loot, and chase people out of their home.
During the next four years of governing by the Khmer Rouge, monks, artists, the educated, and those who spoke or read French became victims of imprisonment and were tortured, and murdered (Hopkins, 1996). Tortures used by the Khmer Rouge included poking chopsticks in the ears, beatings with bamboo sticks, cutting off of fingertips, burning, isolation, starvation, rape, assault, hanging by the feet, children swung by the feet and smashed against trees, and witnessing beatings or killing of their parents or loved ones. Some were forced to commit the atrocities on their family members (Hopkins, 1996). The labor forced onto the Khmer was a torture on its own. In addition to not knowing how to do the work, people became sick from starvation and famine. The infirm, the old, and those who became too sick to work were either killed or left to die. The Angkar (central organization of the regime) was supposed to provide care for all the people; therefore, medicines were prohibited. People were forbidden to grow their own food and were given a small cup of rice per day (Hopkins, 1996). Similar to Ebihara et al. (1994), Hopkins (1996) indicated that many died from starvation. Further, some people were forced by the Khmer Rouge and by starvation to commit acts such as killing others, walking over or sleeping with the dead; or abandoning their families. The Vietnamese invaded Cambodia in January 1979, forcing the Khmer Rouge to retreat. The fighting burned the rice reserves and caused widespread famine. The upheaval forced many Khmer to escape westward on foot thousands of miles to the Thai border (Hopkins, 1996; Ouk et al., 1988).
The Refugee Camp Experience
The flight to the camps was long and dreadful. The Khmer refugees' journey took them through dangerous jungles full of snakes, river leeches, and land mines. It was not uncommon for the Khmer refugees to experience robbery, rape, and even death by the soldiers or by those hired to lead them. Many also died of starvation and exposure to various diseases. As reported by Hopkins (1996), some of the Khmer refugees even experienced being hauled back in trucks and chased at gunpoint back into the jungles of Cambodia. The conditions were so terrible that many Khmer Refugees died along the way to the camps.
Since 1975, several different kinds of camps for Khmer have been built inside Thailand. There were only two camps recognized by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees: Khao-I-Dang and Kap Choeng. Khmer who were residing in other camps have not been recognized as refugees but rather as illegal aliens. In 1980, Kao-I-Dang contained the largest concentration of Cambodians (142,000) in the world outside of Cambodia (Ouk et al., 1988; Wright, 1998). The camps were surrounded by barbed wired fences and guarded by Thai soldiers. The Khmer refugees were given bamboo, thatch, and plastic sheeting to build their own shelter. Sleeping mats, blankets, and buckets as well as food and water were provided (Ouk et al., 1988). Few people were able to support themselves by gardening or sewing (Hopkins, 1996).
The Refugee Resettlement in the United States
The United Nations Refugee Convention in 1951 defined refugees as persons outside the boundaries of their own countries who were not firmly resettled elsewhere and who maintained a well-substantiated fear of persecution based on race, religion, nationality, social class, or political opinion in their own country. The U.S. Congress passed the Refugee Act of 1980 and inserted the definition into the legal system for refugee status (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1987).
The first group of Khmer refugees to resettle in the United States came between 1975 and 1978. This group consisted of 7,300 Khmers who were either former government or military leaders, members of the educated elite, and those with ties to the United States. This group was fortunate to escape just before the fall of Cambodia in 1975. The second group resettled in the United States in 1979, with a population of 6,000. Many in this group also escaped before the Communist take over. However, they were stranded in the refugee camps in Thailand due to their lack of direct ties with the United States. The largest number of Cambodians arrived in the third group. These refugees were survivors of the Khmer Rouge genocide. They began escaping to Thailand at the end of 1979. It was reported that 134,000 Khmer were permitted to resettle in the United States between 1980 and 1992. The last two groups of Khmer Refugees were mostly from the rural areas of Cambodia and were much less educated than those of the first group (Lucas, 1993; Rumbaut, 1989).
The 1990 Census, revealed that 147,411 Khmers now resettled in the United States (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1990), and about 39.5% of them resided in California (Sloane et al., 1996). In 1990, there were 29,806 Khmers living in Los Angeles (United Way of Greater Los Angeles, 1996), with the largest concentrations in the City of Long Beach. This figure is widely contested as an undercount by many Cambodian organizations in Long Beach who estimated the Khmer population to be 50,000 or more (Sloane et al., 1996; Wiley, Spruck-Wriggley, & Burr, 1983). The Department of Commerce in Long Beach declared an undercount by 18.5% after a protest from the community leaders (Bankston, 1995; Gallego, 1990, as cited in Wright, 1998).
According to Oberdorfer (1987), at least 50.0% of Khmer refugees experienced the death of a family member. Prior to their entry into the United States, the refugees endured disease, robbery, rape, and extortion from inside and outside the camps. When Khmer refugees first arrived in the United States, most suffered from parasites, disease, malnutrition, severe depression, nightmares, rotten and missing teeth, and other injuries. Many of the Khmer refugees suffered from post-traumatic stress syndrome and survival guilt because of their horrific experiences during both the war in Cambodia and through their flight as a refugee. It has been evidence in literature that recognized the Khmer experience as the most life-threatening trauma (Ebihara et al., 1994; Kinzie et al., 1984; Meinhardt et al., 1986). For instance, 91.0% of Khmer reported that their lives had been in danger for 3 or more years (Meinhardt et al., 1986).
Socioeconomic Status
Since most Khmer refugees came from rural areas, the majority had little or no education. Literature shows that 75.0% of adult Cambodians had attended junior high school or less prior to their entry into the United States, and 34.0% came to the United States with no education at all (Stein, 1982). The 1990 Census showed that 95.0% of Cambodian men had completed less than 12 years of formal schooling (Bankston, 1995). In Los Angeles County, 44.9% of Cambodians have less than a 5th grade education, 22.3% have a 5th to 12th grade education but did not graduate, 9.9% have a high school diploma, 18.4% have some college education but less than a Bachelor's degree, and 4.7% have a Bachelor's degree or higher (U.S. Census of Population, 1990, as cited in United Way of Greater Los Angeles, 1996).
Due to little or no education, many refugees struggle with finding employment. Congressional reports show that nearly all Cambodians received public assistance during their first 12 months as a refugee in the United States (Leadership Education for Asian Pacific Incorporated, 1993). The 1990 Census showed that 51.1% of the Cambodians received public assistance, and that 42.0% lived below the poverty line. In Los Angeles County, 34.2% of Cambodians are in the labor force while 13.7% are unemployed (United Way of Greater Los Angeles, 1996). In addition to the language barrier, lack of education, and deficiency of transferable job skills, the Khmer are facing competition with other ethnic groups. Prejudice and lack of capital made it difficult for the Khmer refugee to enter the labor force (Ebihara, 1985).
Acculturation
As for other immigrants, when the Khmer refugees entered the United States, they brought with them a unique set of values, attitudes, socialization beliefs, and behavioral norms required within the country of origin. As they resettled in the United States, the constant interaction with the host society gradually brought about changes in their values, attitudes, beliefs, and behavioral norms. Such transformation is the process of acculturation. Acculturation has been defined as the adaptation of language, identity, behavior patterns, and preferences of those of the host society. The process involves modifying the existing culture of origin. It is a long-term process involving learning, reevaluating, and coping with both the culture of origin and the host culture (Lum, 1996).
The literature shows that immigrants either resist or adapt to the new language, values, beliefs, roles, and norms of social interactions required to effectively adapt to the host society (Mendoza & Martinez, 1981). A resocialization model of acculturation attitudes proposed by Taft (1985) raises two critical points: 1) changes in the physical environment, and 2) the biological, cultural, and social contexts. Acculturation was seen as the immersion of the immigrant culture in the new culture. Buriel (1993) pointed out that immigrants do not simply shed their old or native values for new ones, but rather they select, shift, and modify to adapt to the new environment. Instead of focusing the loss of one to the other, the model asserts the interactive nature of both cultures. Traditional culture that is carried by immigrants from their native country is neither uniform nor static. In fact, cultures are constantly being modified and reshaped by different factors in a variety of forms, including the demands and pressures of the immigrant experience (Hondagneu-Sotelo & Messner, 1994).
Some characteristics of acculturation are easily acquired at a fast rate while others are not (Mendoza & Martinez, 1981). For instance, language and dress customs are established in immigrants' lives more quickly than abstract material such as opinions or stereotypic socialization practices. There are a variety of reasons that individuals choose different methods to acculturate to the new country. The context behind the migration experience plays a significant role in immigrants' patterns of adaptation (Jane, Belsky, & Cmic, 1996). Unfortunately, the immigrants experience differential acculturation rates between spouses, and between parents and children, specifically adolescents. The varying acculturation rates place stresses and burdens in the immigrants' family relationships (Szapoznik & Kurtines, 1980).
Chambon (1989) conceptualized acculturation as a function of several factors. The first is a life cycle factor that influences the acculturation process. Older refugees are not expected to acculturate to the host country to the same extent as younger ones. The older refugees' focus is often to find their place in the ethnic community rather than become integrated into the mainstream culture. Differences in socioeconomic and educational background are the second factor that influences the acculturation process of refugees. Variables such as urban or rural background, degree of education or Westernization, prior occupation and transferable skills to the host country, and current occupation contribute to the level of acculturation among refugee families. The length of residency and stages of adjustment is the third factor that influence acculturation.
Studies have shown that Cambodian American adolescents who were born in Cambodia or the refugee camps, but were raised in this country, are experiencing tremendous hardship acculturating into the new culture. They are caught somewhere between their parents' generation and the children who are born here (Wright, 1998). Since they are trapped between the old generation and the new, and are not fully part of either one, scholars such as Rumbaut and Ima (1988) call them the 1.5 generation.
Similar to other Asians, Cambodian American adolescents are rapidly losing their primary language and are also quick to acculturate to the host culture (Mortland, 1994). In light of the lost of the Khmer language, parents often depend on their children to be their interpreters and translators at various agencies (Bruno, 1984). This creates embarrassment and powerlessness for parents as they rely heavily on their children who gain status as new authority figures in the family. The role reversal between parents and their children can be damaging to the parent-child dyad (Lucas, 1993). For instance, children often take advantage of their parents by falsely interpreting information between their parents and the school, such as grades, attendance, and other school-related matters (Lucas, 1993). This swift acculturation of the young also results in the development of new modes of thought and behavior that often conflict with those of their elders (Ebihara, 1985). Similarly, Weinstein-Shr and Lewis (1989, as cited in Wright, 1998) agreed that the rapid acculturation of the young often creates conflict for the family. Further, the rapid acculturation of the young also results in a lack of respect and value for parents and the culture of origin (Stein, 1982). Consequently, the varying acculturation rates cause tremendous conflicts within the family.
In their resettlement process, refugees often live in the poor inner-city, and are often subject to burglary, harassment, and assault (Chambon, 1989). In light, traditional techniques for controlling children may not work in foreign and hostile environment. For instance, the Cambodian American adolescents often follow the example they see in the media or on the streets as role models (Lucas, 1993). Cambodian American youth may have a difficult time differentiating the good from the bad, and therefore often adopt the values, language, behavior, and dress that are seen in their surroundings as models of American values (Bruno, 1984).
Family Relationships
According to Steinberg (1980), unlike the Vietnamese and Chinese, Cambodians do not stress tracing descendants through the male line. The Cambodian kinship system is considerably bilateral among kin members, including marriage ties. Further, inheritance patterns are arranged without maternal or paternal bias. Both sons and daughters can inherit from both parents. However, the lands are usually given to the sons and the daughters are given movable goods. Ancestor worship is not an important family function as in China, but formal respect is paid to both paternal and maternal ancestors at events such as weddings and funerals. Although the expectation of filial piety is not as stringent as with the Chinese or Vietnamese, respect for one's elders is expected of everyone.
Kelley (1996) indicated that the individual's identity is not encouraged in the Cambodian culture. Children see and learn that the family is the all-important, defining center of one's being. Individual's actions are accountable in so far as they bring pride or shame to the family. However, in comparison to other Asian cultures, Cambodia is described as a more open society in which individuals are not fully subordinate to the family or social group (Gibbs & Huang, 1997).
Ebihara (1974) identified two main kinds of families in her study of Cambodian villages in 1959-1960. One is the simple nuclear family, which is composed of parents and unmarried children. Another is the extended family that usually consists of parents, unmarried children, and one married child plus his/her spouse and their children. Such families are not permanent and often undergo changes through time. For example, when a child marries and brings a spouse home, the nuclear family will become an extended one; or an extended family will change to a nuclear one when the old parents die. Further, it is also common for a family to take in relatives such as siblings, cousins, nephews, or nieces for a short or long period of time. Various emotional, economic, moral, and legal ties connect family members. There are no other formal associations more organized than those of kin groups beyond the household. Therefore, the bonds between a husband and a wife, siblings, and parents and children are the strongest and most enduring social relationship (Ebihara, 1974).
Each family member has a specific role within the Cambodian family unit (Chim, 1998). The family is patriarchal, with the father as head of the family, although his rights over the family are balanced by duties prescribed by Buddhist morality and maintained by civil law. In many instances, the husband and wife share authority (Ebihara, 1964; Garry, 1980). The culture values extended family but in the family structure, a couple's relationship takes precedence (Garry, 1980).
In his works, Steinberg (1980) noted that the Cambodian woman holds an important role in the household, and she is responsible for the prosperity, well-being and development of the family unit. In her 1-year study, Ebihara (1974) also found that since the mother is the major source of sustenance and love, children generally have deeper emotional bonds and more intimate contact with the mother. A father is openly affectionate to his children only during the first few years and becomes more authoritarian as they grow older. Father and son relationships may become closer as boys begin to work with their father at various tasks. However, children of both sexes always perceive the mother as the warm and nurturing figure. The tie between parents and children is said to remains strong even after the children grows up and even if they move away. Every effort is made to maintain contact with one another. Divorced or widowed children can always return to their parents. Similarly, children can provide financial support or even their home for their aged parents if no other sibling has remained to take care of them. Further, it is an obligation for children to pay their last respect and homage to provide a deceased parent with the finest funeral.
Child Rearing Practices
The literature shows only a few descriptive studies that examine Cambodian child rearing practices and beliefs (Lenart et al., 1991; Morrow, 1989). Kelly (1996) defined the child rearing continuum as the time of guardianship from birth to the passage into adulthood. The essence of child rearing practices is intended to teach and sustain the culture, and the outcomes are individuals capable of living a meaningful life within that culture. In the Cambodian culture, rearing children is said to take place within the Buddhist belief system that prescribed the Cambodian calendar. Celebrations are for holy days, and mark the passage of special life events. In a descriptive study, Kelly (1996) identified three themes in the Cambodian cultural base of child rearing: Buddhism, group identity, and hierarchical order.
In light of the significance of the family and the hierarchical structure of the society, Cambodian children are greatly valued and loved. They give added importance to the family. The desired and expected outcome of marriage is producing offspring. Children give status to their mother and power and authority to their father. In addition, children are a source of companionship, care, and protection for the aging parents. In Buddhist teaching, having children is admirable and worthy; with a continuous family line, children can pray and do good deeds for the parents. Further, children are an indication of a family's goodness and evidence that the spirits are not angry or displeased. The Cambodian's belief in reincarnation is one important reason for bearing children. Pregnancy is a means of bringing back to this life close family members who have died. Children are so important that childless couples are pitied. However, pregnancies that occur in unmarried Cambodian women are a source of shame and embarrassment for the whole family (Kelly, 1996).
In the Cambodian culture, the birth of a child involves a complex belief system more than the actual physical preparations for the baby. Since the world is full of spirits, it is best not to give them knowledge that a woman is pregnant. It is encouraged to limit physical preparations in the case of mishap that the infant does not survive the ordeal. Early prenatal care and information about the birth of a baby is gained through the informal network of women who have already given birth. It is common for a Cambodian woman to delay seeking prenatal care until she is 5 or 6 months pregnant. However, the lack of early formal prenatal care does not indicate a lack of concern about themselves or their pregnancies. Preparation for the baby revolves around keeping the infant small for an easy delivery. Therefore, certain foods are endorsed, and others are discouraged. A traditional Cambodian drink with a mixture of wine and herbs, that includes sesame seeds, is used starting at around the seventh month to control the size of the baby. To prevent hurting the baby, it is wise to avoid heavy lifting, tree climbing to pick fruit, eating hot spicy foods, and having intercourse in the last 3 months of pregnancy (Kelly, 1996).
The course of naming the baby fits into the Cambodian hierarchical belief. Names are an indication of status and power. Therefore, a child of a low status family cannot be given a high ranking name. The naming of a child is left to someone who is older and wiser because of this restriction. To show respect and family devotion, one's parents, grandparents, aunts, uncles, or older siblings would be asked to name the child. Spiritual and spirit beliefs of the Cambodians also dictate the naming of children (Kelly, 1996). A child's name may be changed during illness. This is a means to prevent the spirit from recognizing the child (Anh, 1984, as cited in Lenart et al., 1991). Similarly, less attractive names or nicknames of a pretty child are used to create a false perception for the evil spirits to think that the child is ugly and not worth taking (Kelly, 1996; Steinberg, 1980). The belief in reincarnation causes anxiety for the new mother and her family that the spirit of the previous mother may regret and change her mind about giving the baby to the new mother. A name change may take place if the parents think the spirit of the previous mother is coming to reclaim the child. Seeking a Buddhist monk or the traditional healer who is more powerful against the spirits to transfer ownership of the baby is sometimes required. As an indicator that the child belongs to the parents, the spirit cannot take the child away from them (Kelly, 1996). When sleeping, a knife or scissors are place above the head of a baby who is under the age of 1 to protect him/her from bad spirits. Further, this is a means to prevent the baby from returning to the previous mother. Such symbolic objects cut the ties and scare off the spirit of the previous mother (Anh, 1984, as cited in Lenart et al., 1991; Kelly, 1996). Remedies such as tiger balms are applied to the abdomen of an infant to prevent many illnesses (Anh, 1984, as cited in Lenart et al., 1991). Another remedy for several conditions is coining. Coining refers to rubbing the skin with a coin, resulting in a mild abrasion (Muecke, 1983).
A study of Cambodian women in the United States (Lenart et al., 1991) revealed that although some acknowledged that children are born with inherent characteristics, they also believed that society, peers, and family are the primary influences on the child. Some women believed that praising a child might lower the child's respect for the parent. Some of the women in the study believed that the year and time of birth determined a child's inherent nature. A child born in the year of the monkey will be naughty and active; the year of the tiger predicts aggressiveness; in the year of the snake, a smart child will be born; and the year of the dragon or boar means that the child will have poor health. A birth in the evening in the year of the rabbit predicts that the child will have a comfortable life and an afternoon birth in the year of the tiger suggests a hard-working, busy child. The study (Lenart et al., 1991) also found frequent use of spanking and reasoning as ways to manage children's behavior. The approach is said to depend on the child's age, character, and the situation. In addition, the study revealed religious teaching as another method to encourage good deeds of children. Encouragement for children to associate with knowledgeable and well-behaved children was also found (Lenart et al., 1991).
Children from infancy to approximately 5 years of age are commonly considered as babies in Cambodian culture. In light of recognition that different attention and care are needed for the different age groups, there is no differentiation between infancy, toddlerhood, and pre-school age children. In the mother-infant relationship, the hierarchy is established at the birth of the baby. Although the infant is loved and cared for as a tiny, helpless person, his/her status is secondary to the new mother's position. Therefore, the mother's need to recover from childbirth takes precedence over the baby. As the newest member of the family, someone else besides the mother will tend to the baby's needs. It is common in Cambodian society to choose the maternal grandmother to provide the care. Older siblings, especially sisters, take on a larger role in taking care of the infant as the infant grows. As early as 5 or 6 years of age, young girls pick up, hold, and walk around with small infants. Similar to their mothers and grandmothers, they play with and comfort the baby. Babies who are characterized as mild-mannered and happy are considered perfect Cambodian babies. Teaching and stimulating the infant's curiosity is not the primary focus of caring for infants because they are not expected to think or know things (Kelly, 1996).
Although there is a difference in attitudes in rearing boy or girl infants, there is no stated preference for each one. This is evidenced from the beginning. Girls are held back and encouraged to internalize rather than express feelings and desires, while boys are empowered to become strong and powerful. For instance, male babies are allowed to breast feed as long as they want because it instills them with strength and energy required for later life. Females are expected to be humble and cautious, and are removed from the breast at approximately 2 years of age to prohibit later inappropriate, passionate behavior. To prevent passionate, embarrassing behavior later in life, it is customary to place some of the mother's breast milk on the labia and vaginal opening of the baby girl (Kelly, 1996).
Certain rights and duties that parents and children have toward one another are outlined in both the secular legal code and the Buddhist precepts. Children are entitled to protection, education, and support from their parents who see that they make good marriages, and provide for their futures through inheritance. Parents are given the right to exact obedience and respect from their children through any means including punishment when necessary. Further, they have the right to approve or veto a child's marriage, to obtain support in their old age, and to have an appropriate funeral when they die (Ebihara, 1974).
Cambodian Disciplinary Practices
As mentioned earlier, although forms of child rearing vary cross-culturally, there are some universal purposes and goals shared by parents (Korbin, 1981, 1987, 1991). Child rearing is to secure the physical safety and survival of the child, the economic independence of the child as an adult, as well as the survival of cultural values. The process usually involves socialization, discipline, and influence of values. According to May (1979), discipline is a way to set behavioral limits and guidelines, to help children grow intellectually and emotionally. Further, discipline helps children learn how to control their own behaviors. Parents use discipline to assist their children in meeting the prescribed norms of what is an acceptable behavior within each society. In light of the lack of awareness about the standard set by the American society, Cambodian parents continue to practice the methods that they bring from their homeland. The Cambodian disciplinary practice may consist of techniques that are contradictory and inconsistent with the discipline practice of the mainstream American society. Therefore, Cambodian parents are especially vulnerable to scrutiny by social services.
According to Smith-Hefner (1999), Cambodian parents decrease their tolerance for a child's inappropriate behavior after the birth of a new sibling. Instead of indulging the child, parents tease and playfully threaten the child. Other family members intensify this practice, by providing less attention to the older child and more towards the newborn. However, some families ease the new baby's arrival by handing the older child to a new caregiver like an older sibling, or to extended relatives who may continue to indulge the child as much as before. When a child reaches the age of 5 or 6, both parents become particularly less tolerant. According to Ebihara (1966), the father becomes emotionally distant. He begins to demand respectful behavior from the child. Parental affection is regarded as inappropriate for an older child. For this reason, parents must show a balance between demonstration of love and instillation of fear and respect. When the child is between the ages of 5 and 7, both parents restrain from showing that they love the child too much. It is believed that if the child receives too much affection, he/she will become corrupted (Smith-Hefner, 1999).
Once a child reaches middle childhood or older, both mother and father will turn to physical punishment when verbal admonitions fail to correct inappropriate behaviors. According to Smith-Hefner (1999), the physical punishment "takes the form of a sharp pinch or slap on the hands or legs with incense sticks or chopsticks. At the same time, verbal admonitions begin to take on a new severity" (p. 91). The lack of indulgence of children as they grow is in large part due to fears of creating a child who will not listen to his/her parents and be defiant against rules and regulation. In turn, the parents will be seen as incapable of controlling their children. Therefore, poorly behaved children are not seen as poor socialization but rather a lack of merit of the parents. This is in contrast with the Western views of disciplinary practices and individualistic attitudes (Smith-Hefner, 1999). Consequently, the contradiction between the practices used by the two societies creates tremendous stress and conflicts for the Khmer American families.
Matters involving morality and family reputation would cause severe disciplinary measures. For example, extreme inappropriate behaviors such as lying, stealing, drinking, being sexually immoral, and killing are in contrast to the five Buddhist precepts; therefore, a child would deserve harsh discipline in punishment (Hanks, 1963). When other measures fail to elicit desired behaviors, parents will resort to corporal punishment. According to Smith-Hefner (1999), in light of the Buddhist teaching against violence, such forceful discipline is unusual. Further, the harsh discipline has resulted in a high number of child abuse and neglect allegations among Khmer American parents. Khmer parents exert almost full authority over their children, especially when training moral behavior and to prevent loss of face in the community. Khmer parents often do not understand the commotion made by teachers and social workers about their disciplinary practices. Further, many Khmer parents view authorities' efforts as "ill-conceived attempts" to limit parents' authority over their children's socialization.
Smith-Hefner (1999) pointed out that the focus on the individual responsibility to family, face, and honor do not come into view as contradictory or antagonistic in Cambodia. Therefore, they were accommodated well in prewar Khmer society. For instance, shaming and community stigmas seem to have deterred improper behavior effectively, and physical discipline was used with some exceptions. Unfortunately, Khmer life in America has obscured the simple balance between the morality of the individual and that of honor for the family face. In fear of losing control over their children, parents increased their concern with the maintenance of the family's reputation. Therefore, Khmer socialization practices are faced with serious challenges. Further, the lack of extended family and integral community in the United States has decreased the reinforcement of appropriate behavior patterns and ultimately failed to protect children from excessive disciplinary practices. As a result, severe physical discipline that is not acceptable by the community standards may be used. In addition, mutual support of domestic and public morality is lacking for Khmer in the United States. The tension between morality instilled by the parents and the morality of American society is a recurring source of conflict in the Khmer American community. Unfortunately, discrepancies between the expectations of home and the requirements of school have created serious intergenerational conflicts. These problems occasionally have been exacerbated because school personnel and state agencies do not fully understand Khmer culture (Smith-Hefner, 1999).
Summary
The study of child rearing practices has a long history in the social sciences literature. However, studies pertinent to Cambodian families have remained quite limited. Despite the recent increase in allegations of child abuse in the Cambodian community and its population growth, there is a general lack of understanding regarding how Cambodian parents raise their children.
Although there are many explanations that offer insights into child maltreatment, none has clearly established its cause or found a reliable solution for it. The literature shows that cultural differences to a large extent contribute to the present complexity of defining maltreatment of children. Therefore, ignorance of cultural differences can pose serious problems in diagnosis and treatment. The lack of knowledge about the cultural differences may alienate the individual and cause unnecessary harm. The promotion of the general welfare of the society is an important principle of social work Code of Ethics. According to Lum (1996) the principle includes, "the prevention of discrimination and promotion of respect for diverse cultures; commitment to accessibility of resources, services, and opportunities; and support of policy and legislative changes to improve social conditions and to promote social justice" (p. 47). While each social services professional cannot know every culture completely, it is essential to maintain an attitude of openness to the variety of cultural values and to that of one's own values. Therefore, the influence of socio-cultural factors on various aspects of behavior, including child rearing practices, acculturation, and other social issues, needs to be investigated.
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